Good Books: Rebellion in the Backlands by Euclides da Cunha (Part Two)

[ Recap of Part One:  In 1876 the new republic of Brazil is faced with a problem in the remote northeast. A mystic preacher  named Antonio the Counselor has gathered a huge following and built a town at Canudos. Other towns claim that bandits from Canudos are robbing them. One town claims that it is threatened with invasion. The state government of Bahia sends a few hundred men who are dispersed after a small skirmish. A second, larger, expedition fares no better. Now the government gets serious and sends thirteen hundred soldiers with artillery and machine guns under the command of Moreira Cesar, a harsh and feared officer. The expedition ends in disaster; two hundred men are  killed, including Moreira Cesar.]

News of the Moreira Cesar expedition’s disaster spread across Brazil via newly strung telegraph lines. First reports indicated a great massacre and it was weeks before the true number of casualties were known. In the meantime, fear spread through Brazil’s cities. At some point, Antonio the Counselor was labelled a royalist; soon it was claimed that he meant to overthrow the republic and restore the emperor. Brazil’s states were discrete units — the wealthy cacao barons of the south were little interested in poorer states like Bahia — but they were united in anti-royalist sentiment. They had reason to be concerned about the possibilty of the government being overthrown; there had been three major revolts in the eight years since Dom Pedro II’s departure. Now the states joined in an effort to end this threat to the republic.

Da Cunha treats this phase of the Canudos War with some amusement, mocking the extravagant reports of the press, though his newspaper reports filed at the time show the same anti-monarchist hysteria as those he quotes. Much later, when da Cunha actually reads some of Antonio’s words, he calls them “innocuous”.

Antonio Conselheiro, sculpture by Mario Cravo

An army was assembled with units from every state. There was a call for enlistments and the president swore to put the entire legislature in uniform, should more troops be required. No effort was to be spared in ending the terror of the revolutionary monarchist, Antonio the Counselor, and his band of savage warriors. The troops gathered in Baía where some showed their republican loyalties by trying to smash the carved royal coat of arms over the custom house doorway. Da Cunha: “Patriotic passion, the truth is, was verging on insanity.”

It is decided that General Arthur Oscar will command the new expedition. He divides his force of more than three thousand and puts part under the command of General Claudio Savaget. Oscar’s plan is to send Savaget around the east and then west to Canudos along the road created by the now dry riverbed of the Vasa Barris. Meanwhile, he will take his force directly north from Monte Santo, but enter Canudos via Mount Favella. This is not exactly a pincer movement since the routes of the two columns converge slightly east of Canudos.[NB: see the map in Part One]

So, in April, General Oscar set out for Monte Santo. His group was almost two thousand men and included artillery, not just the Krupp field guns already seen in the War (four of which were lost on the Moreira Cesar expedition) but also a huge Whitworth 32, a 170mm siege gun that weighed tons. He also had a detachment of engineers that proceeded ahead of the force and actually cleared a road through the bush and up the side of Mount Favella that will accept the traffic, including the Whitworth, that is to follow. (I found myself wondering why the sertanejos didn’t wipe out this lightly armed forward party. Perhaps they only attacked when units came within a certain radius of Canudos. Or perhaps they realized that the road was a marker of the advance and that they could set up positions and wait.)

Whitworth 32 at the Linares Military Museum

General Oscar spends some time drilling his troops and draining the surrounding country of supplies. It is June before his column moves north. General Savaget also spent his downtime training his troops, almost three thousand, and has created a unit of lancers, mounted and lightly armed, to be used as scouts. In June, Savaget also moves toward Canudos.

General Oscar’s group has problems. His soldiers have eaten most of the food in the area so that they are given only half rations for the march. The heavy Whitworth cannot keep up with the troops — at one point, it is twenty-nine miles behind. The rear guard unit is assigned the task of guarding the artillery while it makes its slow progress. Meanwhile, the unit’s supplies, rations and ammunition, follow the rear guard and the cannon. So Oscar commands three separated units moving north into the sertão. General Savaget splits his supply unit into three parts and assigns each to a section of his force. The lancers work very well as scouts and Savaget’s column is not surprised by an enemy attack.

General Oscar’s group runs into a few probes, outbreaks of sniper fire, and small skirmishes that da Cunha suggests were meant to keep the column advancing along a certain line. The sertanejo in command is none other than Pajehú, the unwittingly heroic cafuso. By the time Oscar’s column reaches Mount Favella on June 27, it is under sniper fire which grows ever fiercer, but the troops keep going. Around midday they pass the remains of Moreira Cesar’s expedition:

…bleached shreds of uniforms swaying from the tips of withered branches, and old saddles, and bits of military cloaks and capes scattered over the ground, along with fragments of bones. At the left side of the road, on the bough of a tree — turned into a clothes rack from which hung a weather-beaten uniform — was the decapitated corpse of Colonel Tamarindo, the arms dangling, the skeleton hands clad in black gloves, while at the feet lay the colonel’s cranium and boots. Upon leaving the side of the road and plunging into the weeds, the soldiers come upon the remains of other unfortunate ones: skeletons clad in tattered, filthy uniforms, lying supine here and there in tragic formation or parlously attached to flexible shrubs which, bending with the breeze, conferred upon them the weird movements of specters. All of which had been deliberately staged…

But the column cannot stop because the rifle fire has become serious. They reach the top of Favella, which is crushed by the earth’s martyrdom and somewhat indented so that the troops are marching into a bowl surrounded by a rim of high ground. The sniper fire is now a crescendo, but a couple of the Krupp guns are dragged across the mountaintop and up the slope that overlooks Canudos. Night has fallen. The heavy Whitworth and other artillery are still some distance behind them and the supply train is five miles to the rear. The cannon fire twenty-one shots at Canudos, just for the show of it. General Oscar first sees the town, less than a mile away, through the glare of artillery fire. Suddenly:

…the entire range of slopes from top to bottom burst into running flame and a terrible, deadly rifle fire broke upon them from the hundreds of trenches, as if the ground beneath their feet were exploding with shells.

The slopes of Mount Favella are riddled with rifle pits and the government troops are sitting ducks. They run about in confusion, tripping over wounded comrades, and try to figure out what to do. A blind charge up the hillsides in the dark seems not a good plan and the troops wind up hugging the ground, waiting things out. After an hour or so, the shooting stops. In the dark, the Whitworth and other artillery are brought up the mountainside. What General Oscar has yet to learn is that, at the same time his soldiers were being shot up, the sertanejos attacked the supply train in the rear. Not only is Oscar surrounded by hidden rifle men, there are no supplies, no ammunition, no rations, for his troops.

Meanwhile, the Savaget column, coming around from the northeast along the Vasa Barris river expects and finds contact with the sertanejo forces on June 25 at a place called Cocorobó. This is a rough gap where two gorges formed by the river when it is in flood come together, then open out onto a plain. The sertanejos are waiting in the jumbled rocks overlooking the road and the plain and open up on the troops as they come out of the gap.

…the sertanejos were staging the same rude, sinister,, monotonous drama of which they were the invisible protagonists. No matter how long or arduous their apprenticeship in the art of war, their system never varied, for the reason that, by its very excellence, it admitted of no corrections or additions. From those dismantled parapets, they could fire in safety on our men, who formed a perfect target there on the barren level plain down below….they did not waste their ammunition; they depended not upon quantity but on the accuracy of their aim.

The two forces fire away at one another but it is Savaget’s column that is taking damage. After two hours, a Krupp gun is brought up and trained on the rocks where the sertanejos are dug in. A bombardment of the mountain side results in a lot of rocks being blown up in spectacular fashion but having no other practical result. The gunfire from the sertanejos increases and Savaget is taking serious losses. “This was something very like a defeat,” says da Cunha:

After three hours of fighting, the attackers had not gained one foot of ground. At a distance of five hundred yards from their adversaries, with thousands of eyes fixed upon those barren slopes, they had not caught a glimpse of a single man. There was no telling how many of them there were.

The soldiers could not continue to sit still and be decimated; they had to take action, retreat or attack. Savaget chose to attack. A wild bayonet charge straight up the slopes followed. The sertanejos were surprised and fell back. The soldiers overran some of their trenches. These are empty but the spent rifle casings in them were still warm. The troops continued to charge up the mountain, the sertanejos continued to pick them off. But the government troops persist and eventually force the sertanejos from their trenches and rifle pits. The soldiers catch their first glimpse of the enemy as the sertanejos abandon their positions.

Government soldiers outside Canudos

Government casualties at this point are 178 including General Savaget, who is wounded but continues to command the force. The next day the column fights its way down the road. By nightfall, they have travelled another mile. The following day, the 27th, Savaget’s column is supposed to link up with Oscar’s at Canudos. They push forward under fire. Now they are in the outskirts of Canudos and houses begin to form part of the battleground. The terrain is composed of small hillocks and sertanejo sharpshooters command these little guntowers. Savaget’s troops charge up one hill after another, sometimes finding and killing the enemy, sometimes finding the objective deserted. Then they push on to the next hill. It is exhausting fighting in enormous heat but, by the end of the day, Savaget’s force has reached its goal. Below them they can see the town of Canudos with the new church’s twin steeples glowing white in the sun. As night falls they hear the cannonfire from Oscar’s column which has reached the top of Mount Favella.

The morning of the 28th, Savaget’s group turns its guns on Canudos and watches Mount Favella, expecting to see General Oscar’s troops pouring down the mountainside on the town. Instead, a scout from Oscar’s forces arrives telling Savaget that they are trapped on the mountain and desperately need ammunition and food. Savaget decides that instead of sending a detachment with supplies, he will attack Mount Favella with his entire force. Fairly quickly, he drives away the sertanejos and then sends a group back to rescue Oscar’s supply train. Some of the mules and supplies are recovered and, by the end of the 28th, the entire expedition is ensconced on Mount Favella, overlooking Canudos. Out of a beginning force of almost 5000, there are more than 900 casualties. That night, the sertanejos once again begin firing on the camp.

On the 29th, Oscar’s artillery fires on Canudos. Once again, the result is a massive return fire from the sertanejos. Units scour the hills, trying to root out the riflemen. The sertanejos withdraw, await their chance, and attack or reclaim their rifle pits.

There was here a certain inversion of roles. On the one hand were men equipped for war by all the resources of modern industry, materially strong and brutal, as from the mouths of their cannon they hurled tons of steel at the rebels; and on the other hand, were these rude warriors who opposed to all this the masterly and unfathomable stratagems of the backwoodsman.

That pretty well sums up many guerrilla campaigns throughout history.

The government troops on Mount Favella had to stick it out; a retreat would be a disaster worse than that of the Moreira Cesar expedition. But they were very short on supplies. The rations rescued from the supply train plus what Savaget had left combined for three days’ supply for the entire group. Oscar pinned his hopes on a relief supply train coming to them, but there was none. The oxen that had pulled the great Whitworth up the mountain were slaughtered. The soldiers began spending more time hunting than fighting. A soldier would make his way among the rocks and brush, following the sound of goat bells, only to discover a waiting sertanejo jingling a bell, drawing him in for the kill. The cavalry, on weary, underfed horses — there is no grass atop Mount Favella, only thorns and rocks — the cavalry began rounding up what few cattle they could locate. Through all this came the incessant sniper fire and, suddenly, an all-out attack that would explode in fury for an hour or two, then melt back into cover. Soon the government troops ran low on water. With no relief in sight, by early July, soldiers began to desert.

The situation was desperate when, on the 11th of July, a scout rode into camp to announce that a brigade of reinforcements, more than a thousand men, and a large supply train was two days away. This good news was dampened when the leader of the relief expedition told General Oscar that the base at Monte Santo was more or less nonexistent, no one had bothered to organize it properly, and that this was all the relief that there was. They must attack Canudos or starve where they sit. The generals hashed out a plan. On July 18th, the troops assaulted the town. The plans disintegrated as the troops tried to move into Canudos. Units were broken up by the maze of alleyways between the houses where they tried to take cover. The sertanejos were quite aware that the mud walls would not stop a bullet and fired through them at the huddled troops. At day’s end Oscar’s expedition had suffered a further thousand casualties and was clinging to its hold on the edge of Canudos. Once again, the army was faced with a no retreat/no advance situation.

During the assault, Lieutenant Wanderly, charging forward, was shot and his leaping horse wound up wedged in a rock crevice. Wanderly’s body was recovered but the horse’s corpse remained frozen in a charge, its mane blowing in the breeze, muzzle pointed at Canudos, as it mummified under the sun. Continue reading

Good Books: Rebellion In The Backlands by Euclides da Cunha (Part One)

In 1896, in newly-republican Brazil, a force of local militia was dispatched to protect a town from being looted by desperadoes from the Backlands. This expedition was not expected to take long nor cost many casualties but it proved to be the opening of a great conflict that lasted a year and took 25000 or more lives.

Euclides da Cunha was working as a journalist and traveled north to be with the troops at the final battle at Candudos. Afterwards, he spent several years reading official reports and interviewing participants. Os Sertões is his account of the Canudos War, as it is generally known, and is reckoned to be Brazil’s greatest literary work, but non-Brazilians from Stefan Zweig to Mario Varga Llosa have appreciated its sweep and power. Robert Lowell said it was better than War and Peace. Other readers have been caught by da Cunha’s description of what is now called “asymmetric warfare”. Still others are put off by the author’s style which is as prickly and convoluted as the landscape it describes. Unless otherwise noted, I am using the Samuel Putnam translation, Rebellion in the Backlands. A new translation by Elizabeth Lowe, Backlands: The Canudos Campaign, is also available.

The Backlands, or sertões, are in the semi-desert of northeast Brazil, in Bahia state mostly. This is poor, rough country subject to periodic droughts. Ranchers raise cattle here, when the weather allows. The local cowboys, the sertanejos, are a mix of European, African, and Native peoples. They are poor people and when there is no rain and cattle die of thirst, they become desperate. In 1837, writes da Cunha, the sertanejos became convinced by a visionary preacher that the ”enchanted kingdom of Dom Sebastião” was at hand. The king would emerge from the shattered rock Pedra Bonita, but this rock could not be broken by iron or explosives, but would open once soaked with the blood of infants. Mothers dashed their babies against the huge rock until the ground was covered in blood. Desperate poor people subject to periodic natural disaster may develop apocalyptic views. And they may follow charismatic leaders who promise an end to suffering.

The sertão. [Pensar Films via Flickr]

 Antonio Maciel was an intelligent, educated man who worked as a bookkeeper. His wife ran off with the local sheriff in 1861 and Maciel suffered a mental breakdown. He took up work on a farm and did some teaching, but more and more was taken by mystical ideas. Around 1865 Antonio began wandering around the countryside. He was a tall, lean man, black-bearded and long-haired, who dressed in a dark blue or black robe with a straw hat and sandals and wore a large wooden crucifix around his neck. He seldom spoke during this period, unless he was addressed directly, but as time went on he began expressing his beliefs to those who would listen. By 1873, Antonio had attracted a following who called him Antonio Conselheiro — Antonio the Counsellor.

Antonio and his group would travel to villages and repair local churches. Antonio would preach and then they would move on, the band adding a few new members perhaps. Local authorities and church leaders regarded Antonio with suspicion — what was he up to anyway with his strange talk and weird visions? Was he Catholic; was he even a Christian? And the ever growing group with him, they were probably up to no good. In 1876 Antonio was arrested on spurious charges. He was beaten, his hair and beard cut off, and he was transported to the city. Eventually, the charges were dismissed and Antonio returned to the sertões. He shrugged off his tribulations and proceeded on a new round of building churches, repairing cemetery walls, and so on. The next year, a devastating drought struck the backlands which is believed to have cost 300,000 lives. Antonio and his group tried to alleviate the suffering of the starving sertanejos and picked up even more adherents.

Statue of Antonio the Counselor at the Canudos museum, one of many such statues in Brazil.

Antonio’s sermons became ever more critical of the Church and, in 1882, the Archbishop of Bahia ordered that he not be allowed to address local congregations — the Church shut him out. Now Brazil went through some wrenching political and social changes.

Slavery was a central fact of the Brazilian economy. Although the slave trade was declared illegal in Brazil in 1831, it continued into the 1850s. An estimated 35% of all enslaved Africans in the New World went to Brazil. In addition, there was frequent enslavement of native peoples. These slaves often escaped to quilombos, communities in the forest or jungle, where they lived free. Slave-catchers led expeditions against these quilombos and there was much bloodshed. Meanwhile, slaves enlisted in Brazil’s wars to earn their freedom. In 1871, just after the Paraguayan War, Brazil declared the children of slaves to be free. During the drought of 1877, cotton farmers in the northeast of Brazil were unable to make their crops and began selling their slaves to the south. This caused further escape attempts and many escapees made their way into the sertões. Finally, after some more piecemeal emancipation, slavery was completely abolished in 1888. At that time slaves comprised about 5% of Brazil’s population. Many of these newly-free people were unable to find employment, especially in the northeast, and some drifted into Antonio’s orbit.

Brazil is unique in its revolutionary history. When Napoleon invaded Portugal, the King fled to his New World property, Brazil, which became, for a time, the administrative center for all Portugese holdings. Brazil’s monarch was deemed an emperor (Take that, Bonaparte!) but the King regarded all this as a temporary measure. When Napoleon was defeated and the Portugese throne was restored, the King returned, leaving his son in charge as Emperor of Brazil. When Portugal attempted to devolve Brazil back to colonial status, the country revolted and declared its independence. The King  lost the resulting war and the Emperor left for Europe, leaving his five-year-old son as occupant of the throne, the new Emperor of independent Brazil. This was an unstable situation and a variety of insurrections and rebellions followed. Eventually things settled down and Emperor Dom Pedro II ruled over a half-century of growth and progress in Brazil. Democratization of the political system slowly proceeded and there was, generally, freedom of the press and speech. By 1889, though, republican sentiment was strong throughout the country. Although Dom Pedro saw the revolution forming, he did nothing to stop it — perhaps he felt that the monarchy should end with him. Nevertheless, some military factions resisted a change from monarchy and civil war resulted. Eventually, the republicans triumphed but the new regime was fragile and very wary of monarchist plotting. Antonio Counselheiro made some pronouncements in his sermons that favored monarchy and the new government took notice.

By 1893, Antonio’s group had grown so large that it needed its own place. They took over an abandoned farm at Belo Monte and built a town known by the local name Canudos, “Straws”, after the small reeds that grow there. Within two years it was the second largest town in Bahia.

Canudos under siege in 1897.

Canudos was an agglomeration of “mud huts”, as da Cunha has it, barely distinguishable from the earth itself:

Canudos was a hamlet situated in a hole-in-the-ground. The square where the churches stood, on a level with the river, marked the lowest area of all. From here… the village gradually spread upward along a slight incline which formed the sloping wall of a long trench. In behind were the huts, entirely filling the hollow and scattering out over the eastern hillsides, a few of them …sprinkled over the top of the hills, which were mined with trenches.

Da Cunha notes that the place looks an easy target for artillery but, with the benefit of hindsight, he can see that it is effectively a fortification, a series of obstacles surrounded by a waterless moat. He says a few more things about the town: that it is an objectification of  ”a tremendous  insanity”; that, in its unplanned structure, it reflects the moral state of the inhabitants or the mental state of Antonio; that it is an expression of the primitive nature of those who built it,  a parody of civilized architecture… These assessments show some of da Cunha’s essential confusion over the events of the Canudos War.

Euclides da Cunha, circa 1890.

Da Cunha is a scientific man, or so he thinks. He is a positivist from the school of Auguste Comte and operates from first principles. The first principle of Brazil is the land itself. Da Cunha describes the sertão in geological terms, but it is geology tinged with poetry — the landscape is one of “tumultuous” rocks; the rocks themselves are “rent” by the violence of geologic process. This dry desolate land receives its annual rainfall and suddenly the dry river beds turn into raging torrents, ripping through the soil. Da Cunha calls this the “martyrdom of earth”. Since human beings are shaped by their environment, these terms also apply to the sertanejos.

So, working from first principles, da Cunha’s first chapter is titled “The Land” and his second, “Man”. The sertanejo is shaped by his land. The cowboys dress in leather — da Cunha repeatedly calls it armor — and their horses also wear leather shields against the thorns of the back country. On horseback the sertanejo appears a centaur, afoot, he is ugly and stooped. And he has the traits of the various races that have gone into his being.

It is difficult today to read da Cunha’s descriptions of race. It is not simply that he derogates non-Europeans, but that it is hard to decipher what race means in his vocabulary. Certainly da Cunha knows nothing of genetics. “Race”, to him, seems an amalgam of ethnicity and social circumstance. This use of the term was fairly common in the 19th Century where we run into the “Irish race”, for instance, or the American notion that white Southerners are a different race from white Northerners. It becomes important to da Cunha to describe the sertanejos’ race. There is a word, mestizo, for a person of mixed European and Native ancestry. And there is the African/European mulatto and the African/Native cafuso. This nomenclature breaks down when we look at tri-racial groups, like the sertanejo, though some terms, like pardo, exist.

Most of the slurs applied to Native and African peoples are referenced by da Cunha — they are lazy and shiftless, savage and passionate, and so on and so forth. But da Cunha has some trouble with this, as he does with many of the received ideas he tries to apply to the events around him. By the end of the book he is torn between describing the sertanejos as miserable wretches or as noble warriors. It may be relevant that da Cunha himself was mestizo.

Leather cowboy hat — the sertanejo’s helmet. [hathorizons.com]

The essential conflict in da Cunha’s thinking is between the theories of the thinkers that he admires and the reality that da Cunha witnesses. He frames his thoughts along European lines but these do not square with his New World experience. There are contradictory statements all through the book as da Cunha tries to find a way out of cognitive dissonance. The most glaring contradiction occurs when da Cunha declares the lowly sertanejo to be the “bedrock of our [Brazilian] race”. Taken to task over this and other contradictions, da Cunha appended various explanatory notes to his book which, in fact, explain very little. More than one sympathetic critic has quoted Walt Whitman in da Cunha’s defense: “Do I contradict myself?/Very well then, I contradict myself/ (I am large. I contain multitudes.)”. But unlike Whitman, da Cunha is uncomfortable with the notion of “containing multitudes”; he desires a single truth and his inability to discover it leaves him dissatisfied.

Nowhere is da Cunha’s difficulty more obvious than in his descriptions of Antonio Conselheiro. He is a madman subject to “atavistic” beliefs, but he is also a man trying to do good who organizes a large community and inspires it to heroic feats. When he speaks of Antonio in isolation, da Cunha emphasizes his insanity, but when he speaks of Antonio in conflict with the army or the government, it is these institutions that da Cunha paints as silly and wrong-headed.

Canudos was an alcohol-free zone — when a couple of entrepeneurs brought some liquor into the town, it was seized and poured out on the village square — but the area around the town was wide open and elements of Antonio’s band drifted back and forth between banditry and piety. One group briefly took over the town of Bom Conselho forcing the local authorities to flee. One of these became magistrate of the town of Joazeiro. Antonio Conselheiro bought lumber there for the new church he was building in Canudos and was cheated, the lumber was never delivered. Da Cunha implies that the ex-magistrate of Bom Conselho was involved and meant to provoke Antonio into an attack. Joazeiro begged the government for assistance.

Statue of Antonio overlooking Canudos. [ Maria Hsu via Flickr]

Antonio was already a matter of concern to Brazilian authorities. In 1893 his followers had engaged and defeated a group of thirty police set to arrest him after he preached against the taxes of the new republic. Other clashes followed. These attracted a certain amount of attention but Bahia was swarming with outlaw bands and the Republic was threatened with serious insurrection and disorder. Canudos was far away. It was decided that a hundred soldiers was sufficient to meet this threat and, in October of 1896, they left Joazeiro on the Sao Francisco river, the railroad’s terminal point, and set out south to cover the one hundred and twenty-five miles to Canudos.

The soldiers were force-marched and they had few provisions as they trekked across the desert. Exhausted, they stopped in the town of Uauá. Meanwhile word was spreading throughout the Backlands of the coming conflict.

Antonio Conselheiro was famous throughout the northern backlands and even in the cities along the coast… This was due to his fabulous wanderings for a quarter of a century through every remote corner of the region, where he had left behind him as he went enoromous monuments to mark his passage. There were the towers of dozens of churches he had built; he …had founded the settlement of Bom Jesus, now almost a city; …there was not a single town or obscure village in which he did not have his fervent disciples, and which did not owe to him the rebuilding of a cemetery, the possession of a place of worship, or the providential gift of a water dam.

The locals understood that there was going to be a fight and evacuated the area. The troops marched into Uruá and the population left. Many went to Canudos, another twenty or so miles, to tell Antonio about the soldiers.

At dawn on the 21st, soldiers were awakened by the sound of hymns. A mass of sertanejos — da Cunha says a thousand, other estimates are higher — were marching on the town. They held aloft a sacred banner and they carried ancient single shot muskets. The sentries outside Uruá fired a quick volley, then ran back into town. The mass of people followed. Shooting became general. The regulars had Comblain repeating rifles, the sertanejos had trabucos, blunderbuss muskets that could be loaded with a handfull of nails. But the trabucos were no match for the Comblains and the sertanejos threw them down and charged in with long knives and cattle spears. They were answered with bayonets. There was savage hand to hand fighting. After four hours, the sertanejos left and returned to Canudos. The troops collected what water and provisions they could and skedaddled back to Joazeiro.

Uauá by artist Marcos Quinan

For all the fury of the battle there were relatively few casualties. The troops had twenty-six, including ten dead. A hundred and fifty of Antonio’s forces, dead or wounded, were left in the streets of Uruá. Throughout this war, Comblains will defeat cattle spears, at least from a body count perspective.

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